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  1. #1
    Biệt Thự Lotus's Avatar
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    Sep 2011

    Nhà giàu Trung Quốc bỏ 9 tỉ USD mua nhà ở Mỹ

    June 12, 2012 5:30 pm

    More rich Chinese buy US property

    China has emerged as one of the fastest-growing sources of international buyers for US real estate – in what some see as a sign that China’s rich are increasingly seeking to take their money out of the country ...

    That is a 23 per cent increase on the $7.3bn of sales they notched up in the previous 12 months and an 88 per cent increase from $4.8bn of sales in 2010 ...

    EB-5, a little-known programme that gives a green card to any foreigner who invests at least $500,000 in a business forming 10 or more jobs in the US, received a record 1,675 Chinese applications during the first quarter.

    That compares with 2,408 applications in the whole of last year, 772 in 2010 and 63 in 2006.

    “There is no doubt that the political situation back home is having an impact on how China’s rich are thinking of preserving their wealth,” says Ms Liebman.

    In China, all land is owned by the state and investors can only buy leasing rights of usually up to 70 years, rather than to secure outright ownership...

    Nguyên bài trong :

    China’s rich head for the exit

    ... According to the two surveys, 60 per cent of about 960,000 Chinese people with assets of over Rmb10m ($1.6m) have already begun the process of emigrating or are considering doing so. The US was the top destination, followed by Canada, Singapore and Europe....

    Topping the list of reasons for emigration is the deteriorating quality of life – including fear over worsening pollution, food safety scandals and inadequate social services. A desire for better medical treatment and access to an US education were also cited...

    Nguyên bài trong :

    Theo hai cuộc khảo sát, 60% của khoảng 960.000 người Trung Quốc với tài sản trên 1,6 triệu USD đã bắt đầu di cư hoặc đang xem xét làm như vậy. Hoa Kỳ là điểm đến hàng đầu, tiếp theo là Canada, Singapore và châu Âu ....

    Đứng đầu danh sách các lý do di cư là có chất lượng xấu đi của cuộc sống, bao gồm cả nỗi sợ hãi ô nhiễm môi trường Trung Quốc ngày càng tồi tệ, vụ bê bối an toàn thực phẩm và các dịch vụ xã hội không đầy đủ. Một mong muốn điều trị y tế tốt hơn và tiếp cận một nền giáo dục Hoa Kỳ cũng đã được trích dẫn ...

  2. #2
    Biệt Thự Lotus's Avatar
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    Sep 2011
    Theo hai cuộc khảo sát, 60% của khoảng 960.000 người Trung Quốc với tài sản trên 1,6 triệu USD đã bắt đầu di cư hoặc đang xem xét làm như vậy. Hoa Kỳ là điểm đến hàng đầu, tiếp theo là Canada, Singapore và châu Âu ....

    Đứng đầu danh sách các lý do di cư là có chất lượng xấu đi của cuộc sống, bao gồm cả nỗi sợ hãi ô nhiễm môi trường ngày càng tồi tệ, thiêú an toàn thực phẩm, quản lý thực phẩm bê bối và các dịch vụ xã hội không đầy đủ. Một mong muốn điều trị y tế tốt hơn và tiếp cận một nền giáo dục ...
    Môi trường và chất lượng không khí

    coi trong thread :

    Quản lý thực phẩm

    coi trong thread :

  3. #3
    Biệt Thự Lotus's Avatar
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    Sep 2011
    China's 'Princelings' Rolling in Cash, Power

    Relatives of top leaders enjoy 'Red Nobility'

    By Matt Cantor, Newser Staff

    Posted May 18, 2012 2:40 PM CDT

    Credit Suisse khẳng định rằng Trung Quốc là một trong những nước có khoảng cách giàu nghèo lớn nhất thế giới, cao hơn nhiều so với công bố chính thức. Nhóm 10% dân số giàu nhất có thu nhập bình quân đầu người 97.000 nhân dân tệ, tương đương 14.280 USD, cao gấp 65 lần so với nhóm 10% nghèo nhất. Trong khi đó báo cáo từ Cục thống kê Trung Quốc đưa ra tỷ lệ chỉ 23 lần.

    Số liệu thu nhập do Credit Suisse công bố cao (màu đỏ) cao hơn nhiều so với số liệu chính thức. Ảnh: Credit Suisse

    "Thu nhập ngầm" đến từ nhiều nguồn, trong đó có quà tặng cho lãnh đạo trong đám cưới của con cháu, quà biếu sếp, thao túng thị trường,...lợi nhuận từ chuyển nhượng đất đai hay lót tay trong các dự án xây dựng, báo cáo của Credit Suisse viết.

    The findings indicate China’s wealth gap between rich and poor, already one of the world’s highest, is even wider than official figures show. Reducing income disparities is a top goal of President Hu Jintao and Premier Wen Jiabao, who want to stave off riots, strikes and other social unrest that might threaten the six-decade rule of the Communist Party.

    The “grey income” comes from many sources, including gifts to officials at weddings, profits from land transfers, kickbacks from construction projects, and payoffs from state monopolies such as the tobacco industry, the study said...

    “Once government power is united with capital, the free competition of the market economy begins to be replaced by a monopoly of crony capitalism, leading to disparity in income and property distribution, lower economic efficiency and acute social conflicts,” Wang wrote in his report’s conclusion.

    Income Equality
    China's Growing Income Gap
    The gap between rich and poor in China is wider than generally realized and could create political problems for Beijing.

    Rich Chinese Communists

    Zong Qinghou, China’s richest man, says a property tax will hurt homeowners. Wang Jianlin, the 16th wealthiest, agrees. Lu Guanqiu, No. 19, says China isn’t ready for such a levy. Their financial clout, a combined $12.4 billion according to Forbes magazine’s latest ranking, packs a political punch. They are members of the Communist Party and delegates to China’s parliament or its political advisory committee.

    Influence Policy

    Officials in Beijing are constrained by an emerging affluent class with increasing ability to influence policy. Wang, chairman of property developer Dalian Wanda Group Co.; Lu, 65, chairman of Hangzhou-based auto-parts maker Wanxiang Group Co.; and Zong have connections in the highest levels of government. Their company Web sites document meetings with Premier Wen Jiabao and other leaders...

    Gap Between Rich and Poor Widens in China

    In contrast to reports of 130 billionaires thriving in China, and a claim by the regime that the GDP grew 8.7 percent over the past year, China’s Director of Statistics reported that 150 million Chinese are still living in abject poverty. The widening gap between rich and poor has prompted warnings of potential social instability and chaos.

    Director Ma Jiantang of the National Bureau of Statistics gave the report at a press conference on Jan. 21. He also recognized the widening gap between urban and rural residents, and noted that China’s per capita GDP still ranks in the 100’s when compared with the rest of the world.

    Economics Professor Xia Yeliang of Peking University, in an interview with Sound of Hope Radio, said “There are severe flaws in the income allocation structure” in China. Ten percent of the population is living on a dollar a day—the U.N.’s poverty threshold.

    Yet the net worth of China’s 130 billionaires is second only to that of the 359 billionaires in the U.S., according to a recent study published on, a Web site dedicated to the lifestyle of the rich in China. There are also 825,000 people with a net worth of over US$1.5 million. Moreover, China’s consumption of luxury goods is increasing—from US$8.6 billion to US$9.4 billion in the past year.

    Economist Liao Cheng thinks the gap between rich and poor is widening as a direct result of government monopolies, where officials use their power to exploit citizens. “Many in China have become rich this way,” he said.

    Liao also points to the lack of freedom of the press as a contributing factor. “The officials can do whatever they please, as the public's complaints are no threat to them at all.”

    Government spending has increased by more than 100 billion yuan (US$14.6 billion) per year since 2005, according to data from the Ministry of Finance and the National Bureau of Statistics.

    Professor Ping Xinquiao of Peking University offered another perspective: the total income of the common people (excluding migrant workers) is less than 20 percent of the GDP, while government administrative spending is 30 percent of the GDP.

    Information published by the World Bank shows that China's Gini coefficient, which measures income allocation distribution, has reached 0.47—far exceeding the internationally recognized warning level of 0.4. A Gini coefficient of 0.5 would be indicative of a potential for social instability and chaos.

    China's official economic policy has been to “allow some people to get rich first.” Under this policy, there is now a huge class of nouveau riche, many of whom are Chinese Communist Party (CCP) officials and their relatives. This has led to charges that official corruption has contributed to the income gap.

    On Jan. 12, at the 5th plenary session of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, regime leader Hu Jintao vowed to punish officials who perpetrate corruption.

    Although for several years running a policy of compulsory registration of wealth of government officials has been raised at the National People's Congress and the National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, it has always failed to pass. There was no mention at all of this so-called “Sunshine Law” during the 4th Plenary Session of the 17th Central Commission of the CCP last September. Analysts often describe the two congresses as toothless.

    A recent survey by the state-run People's Daily and People's Net showed that the issue of government corruption ranked above other hot-button issues such as housing, expenditure control, health insurance, and the wealth gap.

    News commentator Chen Pokong told Radio Free Asia, “Loud words, little action. This is typical of the central government. Not only do they lack the determination, they also have no intention to fight corruption at all. A year ago, a survey showed that 90 percent of the public wanted the government to require officials to publicize their wealth, but 97 percent of the officials were against establishing such a requirement.”

    No More Excuses for Growing Rich-Poor Gap

    Blaming Mao's chaotic years for the slow pace of reform is wearing thin as the vast majority of Chinese remain poor while their leaders grow more powerful.

    It has been 60 years since Mao Zedong told his people on Oct. 1, 1949, that "the Chinese people have stood up" and declared the founding of the People's Republic of China. Anniversaries are usually arbitrary passing points in time carrying little true significance, but this one isn't. Leaders from Deng Xiaoping onward have been telling the world that China is assiduously laying the groundwork for political reform and eventually democracy-but only after it recovers from the chaos and destruction of the Mao years. Yet with China now in the midst of a weeklong holiday to celebrate the anniversary, the reform period since Deng Xiaoping took power will be nearing the completion of its 30th year -- exactly half the age of modern China. The reform period will have exceeded Mao Zedong's 27 years of terrible rule. In reality, China's leaders have been deliberately moving further away from any fundamental reform, and using the excuse of Mao is wearing thin.

    China watchers generally caution against agitating for democracy in China on both diplomatic and practical grounds. To be sure, doing so would enrage Beijing and make any constructive bilateral relationship difficult. On practical grounds, there is no guarantee that under current conditions, one-person-one-vote would bring greater freedom and prosperity rather than more chaos and even a reversion to socialism.

    But this in no way absolves Beijing from blame. For even though democracy may not suit China right now, the country desperately needs the building of institutions that would both immeasurably improve the lives of its citizens and most likely deliver a sound platform for fundamental political reform and, eventually, democracy.

    First things first: Why does the building of institutions that might lead to democracy matter in China? Because in one important respect, authoritarian China is failing: While the Chinese state is rich and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) powerful, civil society is weak and the vast majority of people remain poor. The health, wealth, and well-being of Beijing and the Party are not the same as that of its people. Since the 1990s, what is good for the Chinese state is no longer automatically good for the vast majority of its people.

    Growing Power of Communist Party

    How then do we establish the best possible conditions that will eventually lead to greater political reforms that benefit the Chinese people? We need a strong civil society where there is rule of law. Courts need to be independent and officials need to be accountable. Private property needs to be protected, individual enterprise needs to be given a chance to succeed, basic human rights must be enforced, and the government needs to be restrained. This is the meaning of just and decent rule for the Chinese people. These are the foundations for a just society that are sorely lacking in modern-day China.

    China has grown sixteenfold since reforms began. But in the absence of effective institutions that restrain the discretionary powers of CCP officials and render them accountable for their actions, it is the state and the CCP that grows stronger rather than the Chinese people and civil society.

    Many problems in modern China begin with the increased role of the Chinese Communist Party in Chinese economy and society. Tellingly, the number of officials before and after the Tiananmen protests has more than doubled, from 20 million to 45 million. Since the early 1990s, the CCP has retaken control of the economy. State-controlled enterprises receive more than three-quarters of the country's entire capital each year, reversing the situation prior to 1989.

    The private sector, on the other hand, is denied both formal capital (bank loans) and access to the most lucrative markets, which are reserved for the state-controlled sector. Only about 50 of the 1,400 listed companies on the Shanghai and Shenzhen stock exchanges are genuinely private. Fewer than 50 of the 1,000 richest people in China are not linked to the Party. This state-corporatist model favors a relatively small number of well-placed insiders.

    Rise in Corruption

    Meanwhile, a billion people remain "outsiders" in the corporate-state system and are largely missing out on the fruits of gross domestic product growth. In fact, 400 million people have seen their net incomes decline during the past decade. Absolute poverty has doubled since 2000.

    This extensive role of the CCP has coincided with a rise in systemic corruption. Courts at all levels are still explicitly under the control of Party organs. According to studies by the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, stealing from the public purse by officials amounts to about 2 percent of GDP each year, and it is rising. According to a 2005 CASS report, more than 40 million households have had their lands illegally seized by corrupt and unaccountable officials since the early 1990s.

    Levels of dissatisfaction-especially with local authorities-are so bad that there were 90,000 instances of mass unrest in 2006, according to official figures, rising from a few thousand in the mid-1990s. To appease unhappy citizens, Beijing has instituted a system of "petitions" whereby aggrieved citizens can appeal to a higher authority against their local officials. A good idea, perhaps, except for the fact that of every 10,000 petitions lodged, only three are heard.

    Democracy under these circumstances is unlikely to produce a better result for the vast majority of China's people. China first needs institutions. But the CCP knows that if strong institutions are built, it will lose its privileged place in Chinese society and economy...,00.html

    tạm dịch :

    Trong khi nhà nước Trung Quốc và Đảng Cộng sản Trung Quốc (ĐCSTQ) giàu , thì đại đa số người dân vẫn còn nghèo. Sức khỏe, sự giàu có, và hạnh phúc của Bắc Kinh và Đảng không giống như của người dân.

    Ít hơn 50 (trong 1.000 người giàu nhất ở Trung Quốc) không là Đảng viên.

    Tỷ lệ nghèo đã tăng gấp đôi kể từ năm 2000.

    Theo các nghiên cứu của Viện Hàn lâm Khoa học Xã hội Trung Quốc, số tiền ăn cắp của cán bộ từ các ngân sách công cộng đang gia tăng. Theo báo cáo của CASS 2005, hơn 40.000.000 hộ gia đình đã có đất đai của họ bị các quan chức tham nhũng cưỡng chế để lấy đất kể từ đầu những năm 1990.

    Có 90.000 trường hợp của tình trạng bất ổn đại chúng trong năm 2006, theo số liệu chính thức, tăng từ vài nghìn ở giữa những năm 1990. Để xoa dịu công dân không hài lòng, Bắc Kinh đã thiết lập một hệ thống "kiến nghị", theo đó công dân bị thiệt hại có thể khiếu nại đến cơ quan cao hơn đối với cán bộ địa phương của họ. Một ý tưởng tốt, có lẽ, ngoại trừ một thực tế là trong tất cả 10.000 kiến nghị nộp, chỉ có ba kiến nghị là được nghe nói.

    Đảng Cộng sản Trung Quốc biết rằng nếu các tổ chức dân chủ mạnh mẽ được xây dựng, Đảng sẽ mất đặc quyền đặc lợi của Đảng trong xã hội Trung Quốc và kinh tế. Và nếu như vậy, cuối cùng Đảng sẽ có khả năng bị mất quyền lực chính trị.

  4. #4
    Biệt Thự Lotus's Avatar
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    Sep 2011
    Khi nói vơí nhân dân của họ thì các lãnh đạo Cộng sản Trung Quốc hay lên án các giá trị Mỹ, nhưng chính họ thì gửi con cái học ở các trường Mỹ. Ngoài ra, bà con của các lãnh đạo Cộng sản Trung Quốc cũng tẩu tán bơt´ một phần tài sản qua Mỹ mua nhà.

    Chinese communist leaders denounce U.S. values but send children to U.S. colleges

  5. #5
    Biệt Thự
    Join Date
    Oct 2011
    Chính vì thế mà năm 75 , tôi tâm sự với thằng bạn lối xóm là chỉ có Mỹ mới trị nổi các anh Cọng sản vì Mỹ giàu và điếm đàng hơn các anh Á Châu , không ngờ câu nói đó nay thấy đúng , nhưng đổi lấy tôi cũng bị tù vài tháng và là động cơ để tôi vượt biên chui mấy lần .

  6. #6
    Biệt Thự Lotus's Avatar
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    Sep 2011
    Nươc´ Mỹ có thể thịnh vượng là nhờ họ chọn đúng thể chế, dạng chính phủ.

    Nhìn quanh trên thê´giơí thì các nước thịnh vượng và phát triển khả quan hâù như đa sô´ đêù là các nươc´ dân chủ và đa đảng, chọn lãnh đạo theo tài đưc´ , khả năng,...

    Cho dù là có thể đôi khi chọn lầm thì lần sau họ chọn lại chính sách khác, đảng khác. Giửa các đảng có sự cạnh tranh vơí nhau.

    Nghĩa là họ có cái phanh an toàn, thay vì xuống hố cả nước.

    Chư´ nêú Mỹ mà đi theo con đường một đảng thì cũng không thịnh vượng và phát triển khả quan.

    Dĩ nhiên là vẫn còn thiêú sót, nhưng thiêú sót chỗ nào thì họ sửa lại, chư´ không phải là chọn mô hình chê´độ một đảng phái, mà đa sô´các nươc´ ngày nay trên thê´giơí đã từ bỏ, là vì nó không thể xài được.

    Cùng một chủng tộc mà Tây Đưc´ phát triển khả quan hơn Đông Đưc´, Hàn Quôc´ khá hơn Triêù Tiên, Đài Loan khả quan hơn Trung Quôc´, thu nhập trung bình của ngươì dân cao hơn, môi trường khá hơn nhiêù,...

    Chẳng qua là khi mơí vượt ra khỏi chê´độ phong kiến, thì đa sô´ dân Trung Hoa còn ít có thông tin, cho nên đảng cộng sản nhân cơ hội này leo lên năm´độc quyền, nghĩa là triêù đình phong kiên´ được thay qua qua triêù đình khác. Không phải chỉ là một ông vua, mà là vua tập thể XHCN, các ông hoàng bà chúa trong Trung ương Đảng , cha truyền con nôí, ông truyền cháu nôí, con cháu các cụ cả.

  7. #7
    Biệt Thự Lotus's Avatar
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    Sep 2011
    Xã hội có tự do thông tin, thì con ngươì mơí có thêm động cơ để sông´ tôt´và đạo đưc´ .

    Xã hội có tương đôí công bình, thì ngươì dân mơí găn´ bó vơí quê hương.

  8. #8
    Biệt Thự Lotus's Avatar
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    Sep 2011
    Tài sản nhiều triệu đô la (cho đến hàng trăm triệu đô la) mà các thân nhân bà con của Phó Chủ tịch Tập Cận Bình tích lũy được trong thời gian qua .

    Những người này làm chủ nhiều doanh nghiệp từ khai thác khoáng sản, khai thác đất hiếm, ...

    Xi Jinping Millionaire Relations Reveal Fortunes of Elite

    Jun 29, 2012

    ...As Xi climbed the Communist Party ranks, his extended family expanded their business interests to include minerals, real estate and mobile-phone equipment, according to public documents compiled by Bloomberg.

    China's Vice President Xi Jinping

    ... The income gap in urban China has widened more than in any other country in Asia over the past 20 years, according to the International Monetary Fund...

    Nguyên bài trong :

  9. #9
    Biệt Thự
    Join Date
    Oct 2011
    Dang? CSVN hay Trung Quoc cu~ng dung` che do^. vua chua' thoi` truoc', thay vi` cung mot dong` ho, nay cung` dang? , thay vi` cha chet con noi, Cong San chia nhau thoi` gian de^? tri. Nguoi` A' Cha^u chong ngoai xa^m rat gioi? , nhung cho^ng' dang? tri hoi yeu' , den noi^? ong To^ng To^n g Bush con noi' , da^n chung' nuoc' do' phai? qua^'y do^ng cach' mang da^n chu? truoc' thi` My~ moi' giup duoc . Tin hoc toan` ca^`u la` mot ke? thu` cua? CS . Haha

  10. #10
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    Sep 2011

    Bước nhẩy vọt của chủ nghĩa Con ông Cháu cha ở Trung Quốc

    The New York Times: David Barboza & Sharon LaFraniere. Phong Uyên dịch

    ‘Princelings’ in China Use Family Ties to Gain Riches


    Published: May 17, 2012 132
    ... the relatives of other current and former senior officials have also amassed vast wealth, often playing central roles in businesses closely entwined with the state, including those involved in finance, energy, domestic security, telecommunications and entertainment. Many of these so-called princelings also serve as middlemen to a host of global companies and wealthy tycoons eager to do business in China.

    “Whenever there is something profitable that emerges in the economy, they’ll be at the front of the queue,” said Minxin Pei, an expert on China’s leadership and professor of government at Claremont McKenna College in California. “They’ve gotten into private equity, state-owned enterprises, natural resources — you name it.”

    Much of the income earned by families of senior leaders may be entirely legal. But it is all but impossible to distinguish between legitimate and ill-gotten gains because there is no public disclosure of the wealth of officials and their relatives. Conflict-of-interest laws are weak or nonexistent. And the business dealings of the political elite are heavily censored in the state-controlled news media.

    The spoils system, for all the efforts to keep a lid on it, poses a fundamental challenge to the legitimacy of the Communist Party. As the state’s business has become increasingly intertwined with a class of families sometimes called the Red Nobility, analysts say the potential exists for a backlash against an increasingly entrenched elite. They also point to the risk that national policies may be subverted by leaders and former leaders, many of whom exert influence long after their retirement, acting to protect their own interests. ...

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