Mỹ

[Triển]

Cái gì khó xê ra thì tất phải xê vô.

Make native american great again.

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Biden picks U.S. Representative Deb Haaland to be Interior Secretary -source

WILMINGTON, Del./WASHINGTON (Reuters) - President-Elect Joe Biden will nominate Representative Deb Haaland to serve as his Interior Secretary, according to a person familiar with the matter, a pick that would make her the first Native American Cabinet secretary.



Reuters had reported Tuesday that Haaland was the leading candidate for the job overseeing the department, which employs more than 70,000 people across the United States and oversees more than 20% of the nation’s surface, including tribal lands and national parks like Yellowstone and Yosemite.

Haaland, a Democratic congresswoman from New Mexico since 2019 and a member of the Laguna Pueblo tribe, told Reuters in a recent interview she would seek to usher in an expansion of renewable energy production on federal land to contribute to the fight against climate change, and undo President Donald Trump’s focus on bolstering fossil fuels output.

“Leasing practices need to be changed. We need to make sure we’re promoting and increasing clean-energy leases,” she said.

She said she also supports conserving 30% of federal land by 2030 and using the Antiquities Act to protect culturally and ecologically sensitive land such as national monuments.

Those positions clash sharply with Trump administration efforts to maximize coal mining and drilling on public lands, and to shrink the size of national monuments created by past presidents.

Haaland’s nomination came after weeks of heavy campaigning by Native American groups and leaders, progressive activists, as well as some Democratic and Republican lawmakers.

Fawn Sharp, president of the National Congress of American Indians and of the Quinault Indian Nation in Washington state, said Haaland’s appointment signals the Biden administration will carry out some key Indian country priorities.

“It’s important to have a high-level Native American perspective at the table,” Sharp said in an interview. “Haaland would be effective especially around climate change, protecting sacred sites on tribal lands and restoring lands that have been administratively taken from tribes,” she said.

If nominated, Haaland would step down from her seat in the U.S. House, where Democrats already are facing a slim majority in 2021 after losing seats in the 2020 election.

Reporting by Pete Schroeder and Trevor Hunnicutt; Editing by Alexandra Hudson and Aurora Ellis

/* src.: https://de.reuters.com/article/us-us...-idUSKBN28R2ZE

[Triển]

Các "kiện" tướng oanh oanh liệt liệt bây chừ ở nơi mô?

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Texas doctors in rural hotspots left out in cold on vaccine

Running in between patients, Dr. Eileen Sprys pauses to catch her breath, tries to gather herself, but cannot mask her frustration: The health care workers in her COVID-besieged West Texas hospital were left out of the first shipment of the Pfizer and BioNTech vaccine, and they have no idea when they may get it.

Not a single rural hospital in this state that prides itself on its country roots received any doses of the vaccine this week, despite such medical outposts serving around 20% of the state’s population, or 3 million people.

Even before the pandemic, rural hospitals in Texas and many other states were operating on “skin and bones” staffing and budgets, Sprys said.

“We’re all exposed all the time,” she said. “We don’t have an isolated COVID wing or staff only dedicated to COVID unlike in larger hospitals. To not be included in the first shipment of vaccines is just so upsetting.”

This isn’t the first sign of inequality in the pandemic. Rural and urban poor residents across the U.S. have lamented not receiving treatments and medications as the better off, nor the quantity or quality of testing.

Sprys, her three fellow doctors and the 28 members of the nursing staff at the Medical Arts Hospital in Lamesa have been looking forward to the vaccine for months, hoping it would bring relief to Dawson County.

One of the poorest counties in Texas, nearly a quarter of Dawson’s 13,000 residents live in poverty. To date, it has seen 1,325 coronavirus cases and 42 deaths, according to the state health department’s count.

Rural hospitals around the nation, and particularly in Texas, have faces widespread closures after years of budget cuts. Some 27 rural hospitals have closed in Texas in the past decade - double that of any other state.

If it weren’t for a $10 billion federal stimulus aimed at rural hospitals nationwide in May, another half dozen small Texas facilities would have closed, estimated John Henderson, the president of the Texas Organization of Rural and Community Hospitals.

NEEDLES IN ARMS

The Texas Department of State Health Services is tasked with allocating where the vaccine goes. A 17-person expert panel is charged with delivering recommendations on allotments to the state’s health commissioner, Dr. John Hellerstedt, who has the final say on deliveries.

In a Dec. 14 letter sent to rural health advocates, Hellerstedt praised their patience and wrote that a “more inclusive” strategy of who gets vaccines will begin next week and that the pending approval of the Moderna vaccine would help alleviate rural shortfalls.

Chris Van Deusen, a spokesman for state health services, said there were two big reasons why rural areas were left off the initial Pfizer vaccine shipments. The first is that the smallest shipment contains 975 doses, so the state sent it to hospitals who said they had that many health care workers to inoculate.

The second reason is that the Pfizer vaccine needs to be stored in special freezers, which larger facilities were more likely to have. But that reasoning irks the doctors in Lamesa as their hospital had purchased one of those freezers in anticipation.

The Moderna vaccine, Van Deusen said, is easier to store and will be able to be shipped with a minimum of 100 doses, meaning it can go to smaller hospitals.

Time is of the essence, said Henderson, of the Texas Organization of Rural and Community Hospitals.

“You have one doctor out because of coronavirus in a small town, and that may mean you just lost half of your medical staff,” he said.

Henderson said the state should embrace alternatives - such as having regional medical centers not vaccinate lower-risk staff, and instead earmark some doses for the frontline rural doctors and nurses.

‘ANSWERING THE CALL’

It’s difficult to recruit doctors to work in any small town, and those that do are considered the crown jewels of their communities. Many residents interviewed in Lamesa said they were adamant that their medical staff should be protected immediately.

Debbie Aylesworth, 67, credits Sprys and the staff at the Lamesa hospital with keeping her off a ventilator when she had COVID-19 a few months ago. After Aylesworth was exposed to the virus in October, Sprys texted her daily to ask if she was having any symptoms.

If not for Sprys’ insistence, Aylesworth said she likely would have delayed seeking treatment and ended up being far worse off.

“Those doctors are answering the call,” she said. “They are dealing with the worst of what this pandemic is dishing out, so they should be seeing the benefit of the vaccine.”

Josh Stevens, the mayor of Lamesa, said the area has been as brutalized by the pandemic as anywhere else in Texas.

Making matters worse, he said, is that about 85% of the town’s population is considered part of the essential work force - most working in agriculture along with oil and gas - meaning more of Lamesa’s citizens have been out on the frontlines.

“Most people in Lamesa have had nowhere to hide from this virus, and our doctors have had to deal with that reality,” he said. “Them not being at the front of the line to get a vaccine is a slap in the face for all of rural Texas.”

/* src.: https://www.reuters.com/article/heal...-idUSKBN28S1AK

[ốc]

Thiên binh: lính gác không gian

Mike Pence names members of new US space force
https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/...ce-us-military

Members of the new US space force will be known as “guardians”, Vice-President Mike Pence announced on Friday, at a ceremony to mark the first birthday of the newest branch of the US armed forces, one of Donald Trump’s signature policy initiatives.

With the Trump administration on its way out of power, the future of the space force seems uncertain. The Associated Press put it delicately: “President-elect Joe Biden has yet to reveal his plans for the space force in the next administration.”

Chọc trời giữ nước mặc dầu
Dọc ngang nào biết trên đầu có ai

[Triển]

Bi hài kịch xấu xí.

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[ốc]

Bi hài kịch xấu xí.

Bảo thủ cực hữu này chắc là Mác xít nên khoái bạo động vũ trang:

White supremacists plotted attacks on US power plants, FBI alleges
https://www.theguardian.com/world/2020/dec/23/white-supremacists-plotted-attacks-us-power-plants-fbi-alleges

White supremacists plotted to attack power stations in the south-eastern US, and an Ohio teenager who allegedly shared the plan said he wanted the group to be “operational” on a fast-tracked timeline if Donald Trump were to lose his re-election bid, the FBI alleges in an affidavit that was mistakenly unsealed.

The teen was in a text group with more than a dozen people in the fall of 2019 when he introduced the idea of saving money to buy a ranch where they could participate in militant training, according to the affidavit, which was filed under seal along with a search warrant application in Wisconsin’s eastern US district court in March.

The documents were inadvertently unsealed last week before the mistake was discovered and they were quickly sealed again.

The teenager wanted the group to be “operational” by the 2024 election because he believed it was likely a Democrat would win, but “the timeline for being operational would accelerate if President Trump lost the 2020 election,” according to the affidavit. An informant told investigators that the teen “definitely wanted to be operational for violence, but also activism”.

The Ohio teen, who was 17 at the time, also shared plans with a smaller group about a plot to create a power outage by shooting rifle rounds into power stations in the south-eastern US. The teen called the plot “Light’s Out” and there were plans to carry it out in the summer of 2021, the affidavit states.

One group member, a Texas native who was a Purdue University student at the time, allegedly sent the informant a text saying “leaving the power off would wake people up to the harsh reality of life by wreaking havoc across the nation”.

The affidavit identifies three people by name and references others who were allegedly communicating with or part of the group. The Associated Press is not naming any of the individuals because charges have not been publicly filed.

None of the three men immediately replied to emails, texts or voicemails left on Tuesday seeking comment. The father of one of the men had no comment.

Federal prosecutors in Ohio are taking the lead on the case. Jennifer Thornton, a spokeswoman for the US attorney’s office in the southern district of Ohio, said she could not provide additional information because the investigation is ongoing, but “we want to emphasize that there is no imminent public safety threat related to this matter.”

The affidavit details an investigation into group members, who allegedly share white supremacist ideology.

The document outlines how they communicated over encrypted messaging applications before three of them eventually met up in person. They also allegedly shared recommended reading on white supremacist literature, required a “uniform” to symbolize their commitment and talked about making weapons. The affidavit says the Ohio teen put Nazi flags in his room, but his mother told him to take them down.

Some group members also indicated that they were prepared to die for their beliefs. One man from Oshkosh, Wisconsin, allegedly told the Ohio teen: “I can say with absolute certainty that I will die for this effort. I swear it on my life.” The teen replied: “I can say the same,” the court documents state.

According to the affidavit, the Wisconsin man also told an undercover FBI employee in February that the group was interested in taking “direct action” against the system and said, “If you truly want a fascist society I will put in the effort to work with you but recruitment is long and not going to be easy.”

He then outlined a “radicalization” process to instill a “revolutionary mindset” which ended with recruits proving they are more than just talk. He allegedly wrote that if it seemed too tough, “I recommend leaving now, we are extremely serious about our goals and ambitions.”

The affidavit says the Ohio teen also spoke numerous times about creating Nazi militant cells around the country like those of the neo-Nazi network the Atomwaffen Division.

Atomwaffen Division members have promoted “accelerationism”, a fringe philosophy espousing mass violence to fuel society’s collapse. More than a dozen people linked to the group or an offshoot called the Feuerkrieg Division have been charged with serious crimes in recent years.

This investigation apparently began after a fourth man, from Canada, was stopped while trying to enter the US. The man told border agents that he was going to visit the Ohio teen, whom he had recently met over an encrypted app, according to the affidavit. Agents found Nazi and white supremacist images on his phone.

Được làm vua thua làm phát xít.

[Triển]

Atomwaffen Division

Binh chủng võ khí nguyên tử, cái mạng lưới
gì mà nghe rợn da gà vậy? Nước Mỹ có đám
khùng theo phát xít Đức.

[Triển]

* Chụp mũ: "cái đồ cộng sản"

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Asian Americans Could Be the Key to Winning Georgia. Are Campaigns Flubbing Their Chance?

There's an important, new electorate up for grabs. But the candidates need to do a better job catering to these voters.


Voters wave Biden-Harris campaign signs at the entrance to a polling station in Gwinnett County, Ga., on Nov 3., 2020. | Jessica McGowan/Getty Images


By JEFF LE

12/23/2020 08:52 AM EST

Jeff Le is a political partner at the Truman National Security Project. He was deputy director of external and international affairs and deputy Cabinet secretary to former California Governor Jerry Brown from 2014 to 2019. Follow him at @JeffreyDLe.

“As boat people, it’s safer to run away from politics.” That’s what my parents told me the first time I asked them about politics in the fifth grade. As refugees from Vietnam who resettled to southern Georgia as organic chicken farmers, they have been solely focused on the American dream: running a successful business and providing more opportunities for their children.

But 2020 was a watershed moment for my family and other Asian American and Pacific Islander community members—both in Georgia and across the country. Experiencing both an economic slowdown and significant anti-Asian sentiment pushed them to engage in the political process for the first time.

The AAPI community makes up just 3-4.5 percent of the population in Georgia, depending on which data you use, but it’s one of the fastest-growing demographic groups in the state (and the fastest-growing group in the United States more broadly). AAPI residents are also Georgia’s fastest-growing group of voters. According to Tom Bonier, CEO of the Democratic firm TargetSmart, AAPI total turnout in Georgia increased by 91 percent from 2016 to 2020, a leap that proved decisive for Joe Biden. This year, some 30,000 Georgia AAPI voters cast a ballot for the first time ever, exit polls showed AAPI voters preferred Biden to Trump by 2-to-1, and Biden carried the state by just under 13,000 votes.

But Biden’s strong showing this year doesn’t mean AAPI voters are sure to lean Democratic. Because AAPI voters are new entrants into politics, and have historically been neglected by both political parties, this increasingly crucial community’s support and influence is up for grabs. And the key to the Georgia Senate runoff might just be smart outreach to them.

AAPI voters, given their diversity of income, age, generation, history and connection to the American experience across 50 ethnicities and over 100 languages, are by no means a solid single bloc. But they are united on one key factor: They want political parties and advocates to cater to them directly and not take them for granted. According to AAPI Data, just 30 percent of Asian American voters surveyed nationally in September said they had had at least some contact from the Democratic Party in the past year. Only 24 percent said they had had contact from the Republican Party. And when these voters do hear from the parties and politicians, the messages often aren’t targeted to them: Campaigns have been known to run English language campaign material through Google translate and think that’s enough.

The recent bump in AAPI voter turnout was fueled not by party or campaign outreach but mostly by civic and grassroots organizations who have experience with consistent, timely messaging to communities of color, non-traditional voters and new Georgians. The candidates vying for attention right now have a lot to learn from these groups.

Campaigns first need to understand how these voters get their information. Every morning, my parents listen to their Vietnamese talking heads on SBTN, or Saigon Broadcasting Television Network, one of the most influential station for Vietnamese living in the United States, and read their Vietnamese-language newspapers. But these more traditional mediums don’t capture the voracious appetite that both older and younger AAPI voters have for social media and platforms. Like my dad, who is obsessed with sharing his Vietnamese poetry with friends, AAPI community members connect primarily on KakaoTalk, a popular Korean instant messaging app, TikTok, WhatsApp, WeChat and Facebook. Campaigns that spend time investing in native language content and ads on these platforms will reach many AAPI voters—at a fraction of the cost of advertising on the mainstream Atlanta airwaves.

There is one big risk with social media, though. Because one in three AAPI community members have limited English proficiency and the group reflects a breadth of diverse languages, these voters are susceptible to mis- and disinformation—for example, claims that falsely label Democrats like Jon Ossoff and Reverend Raphael Warnock as “radical socialists” or “communists.” My parents and many of their friends who announced their support for Democrats in 2020, too, have been accused by conservative Vietnamese American groups of being “Communists” and “socialists,” which couldn’t be farther from the truth. Sometimes this heated discourse has led to my parents simply unfriending users on Facebook; sometimes, though, my parents have become the target of hostile threats.

To counter this alarming trend, the campaigns should also invest in volunteers to closely monitor channels and forums on social media. While groups like VietFactCheck fact-checked, verified and rebutted claims in English and Vietnamese during the presidential cycle, the Senate campaigns should do more in rapid response in these digital spaces with the Jan. 5 runoff in Georgia looming.

The parties also have to know where to look to reach AAPI voters. The Atlanta Metro area counties of Gwinnett, Cobb, Fulton and DeKalb have the largest AAPI communities in Georgia. But with the race likely to be very tight, a narrow focus on the Atlanta area is not an automatic path to victory. There are many rural AAPI voters like my parents who have not traditionally been contacted but are persuadable if campaigns talk about local issues, such as rural health care and small businesses. The AAPI Victory Fund recently found that there are 55,000 rural AAPI votes up for grabs in Georgia—enough to swing the election.

There are also large numbers of AAPI members with strong ties to a particular faith—whether that’s Filipino Americans closely linked to the Catholic church, members of the Korean churches scattered throughout the Atlanta metro area, or AAPI Muslims. Advocacy groups, such as Asian Americans Advancing Justice and the Georgia Muslim Voter Project, have engaged churches and mosques to activate AAPI voters with targeted in-language messaging. But the campaigns themselves have mostly failed to focus specifically on these groups.

None of this outreach will matter if the parties don’t get their messaging right. What messages will get through? Recent polling has found that AAPI communities are more likely to be concerned about the pandemic than the rest of the public. Part of these concerns can be traced to rising anti-AAPI sentiment during Covid-19. (Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders reported over 2,500 reported instances of anti-AAPI hate to Stop AAPI Hate between March and August.) AAPI voters are looking for their politicians to show support and condemn anti-AAPI comments, such as calling Covid-19 the “kung flu.”

AAPI community members have also been disproportionally hit by Covid-19 economically. While Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders make up around 6 percent of the U.S. population, they own 26 percent of U.S. food and accommodation service businesses and 17 percent of U.S. retail businesses—industries that were crushed during the pandemic and still have not recovered. In addition, Georgia farmers have seen an 82 percent decline in revenue. My farming parents can attest: An economic recovery message would resonate with AAPI voters.

The pandemic has also exposed the worst inequities in our health care space. A full third of American nurses who have died from the virus are Filipino American, even though they make up just 4 percent of the nation’s nursing population.

And then there’s the problem of health care in rural America. In March, my family’s closest hospital—Phoebe Putney Memorial Hospital, which serves 800,000 rural Georgians—emerged as the South’s coronavirus epicenter. The pandemic crushed an already overwhelmed and overburdened facility. In April, southwest Georgia became home to an astounding five of the top 10 U.S. counties with the highest Covid-19 death rates. This strain on rural hospitals and the lack of access to health care has only gotten worse in Georgia, where nine counties have zero doctors and 60 counties are without a single pediatrician.

AAPI voters are finally running toward politics knowing that they can make the difference. But it’s these kind of issues—the pandemic, the economy and health care—that AAPI voters want to hear about, on their platforms, in their own languages. With the election in Georgia likely to be decided by a razor’s edge, the campaigns that can do this might just be the ones to carry the state.

/* src.: https://www.politico.com/news/magazi...-runoff-450214

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Người Mỹ gốc Á châu có thể đã giúp ông Biden thắng ở Georgia

Tác giả: Jeff Le
Dịch giả: Joaquin Nguyễn Hòa

23-12-2020

Lời người dịch: Bang Georgia là bang chiến trường đã góp phần làm nên chiến thắng của ông Biden trước đương kim tổng thống Donald Trump. Trong chiến thắng của ông Biden ở Georgia, lá phiếu của người gốc Á đã góp phần quyết định. Liệu những người Mỹ gốc Á có thể giúp đảng Dân chủ thắng tiếp hai chiếc ghế trong cuộc đua Thượng viện liên bang từ Georgia, trong cuộc đua ngày 5/1/2020 sắp tới?

Xin giới thiệu bài phân tích của ông Jeff Le, một người Mỹ gốc Việt trên báo Politico. Ông Jeff Le là đối tác chính trị của Dự án An ninh Quốc gia Truman. Ông Le từng là trợ lý Chánh Văn phòng của thống đốc Jerry Brown, bang California.

***

Hồi học lớp năm, tôi hỏi cha mẹ tôi vài chuyện về chính trị, ông bà trả lời tôi rằng: Mình là thuyền nhân, tốt nhất mình nên tránh chính trị con ạ.

Cũng như nhiều người tị nạn Việt Nam, ông bà định cư ở miền Nam Georgia, chỉ chuyên tâm vào việc làm ăn, chăm sóc một trại gà thả vườn, vun quén cho giấc mơ Mỹ của gia đình: Làm ăn phát đạt, tìm kiếm cơ hội cho con cái.

Nhưng năm 2020 là một năm mở mắt cho ông bà, cũng như nhiều người khác của cộng đồng người Mỹ gốc Á và dân đảo Thái Bình Dương (Asian American and Pacific Islander, viết tắt là AAPI). Kinh tế suy sụp, cộng với việc trở thành nạn nhân bị kỳ thị chủng tộc, hậu quả của dịch Covid-19, họ bắt đầu quan tâm tới chính trị.

Tại Georgia, cộng đồng AAPI chiếm từ 3 đến 4,5% dân số, một trong những cộng đồng phát triển nhanh nhất trong tiểu bang, và là cộng đồng phát triển nhanh nhất ở liên bang. Cử tri người Mỹ gốc Á là nhóm cử tri tăng nhanh nhất Georgia. Theo số liệu của Đảng Dân chủ, so với năm 2016 thì số người Mỹ gốc Á đi bầu trong năm 2020 tăng tới 90%. Đây là một con số vô cùng quan trọng cho ông Biden.

Trong năm 2020, có đến 30 ngàn người Mỹ gốc Á đi bầu lần đầu tiên, và theo thăm dò thì cứ một người bầu cho ông Trump thì có 2 người bầu cho ông Biden. Điều đó có nghĩa là, có 20 ngàn người Mỹ gốc Á lần đầu tiên đi bầu và bầu cho Biden. Biden thắng Georgia chưa tới 13 ngàn phiếu. Nếu trừ đi 20 ngàn người này thì ông ấy không thắng được Georgia.

Nhưng chiến thắng của Biden không có nghĩa là khối cử tri Á châu ở Georgia là một khối cử tri Dân chủ chắc chắn. Cộng đồng này rất đa dạng về văn hóa, tuổi tác, giàu nghèo. Họ có đến 50 sắc tộc khác nhau và nói khoảng 100 ngôn ngữ. Cả hai đảng chính trị Dân chủ và Cộng hòa đều chưa tiếp xúc với họ bao nhiêu. Theo con số của một tổ chức phi lợi nhuận của cộng đồng AAPI, một khảo sát hồi tháng 9/2020 cho thấy, chỉ có 30% người gốc Á được đảng Dân chủ tiếp xúc, 24% được đảng Cộng hòa tiếp xúc.

Và điều quan trọng nhất là, một số đông không hiểu các thông điệp chính trị nói gì vì được viết bằng tiếng Anh.

Sở dĩ vừa qua có đông đảo người Á châu đi bầu như vậy là do các nhóm vận động dân sự, chứ không phải các ban tranh cử của hai đảng.

Các cộng đồng Á châu này theo dõi thời sự qua các kênh tin tức bằng tiếng của họ, chẳng hạn như người Việt theo dõi kênh truyền hình SBTN. Ngoài ra họ còn tìm kiếm thông tin qua các mạng xã hội như KakaoTalk (người Hàn quốc), TikTok, WhatsApp, WeChat và Facebook. Đây là những nơi mà các đảng chính trị cần nhắm vào để lôi kéo cử tri châu Á.

Nhưng các mạng xã hội này cũng là nơi phát tán tin vịt rất kinh khủng, chẳng hạn như việc dán nhãn hai ứng cử viên đảng Dân chủ, Jon Ossoff và mục sư Rafael Warnock là “xã hội chủ nghĩa cực đoan”, hay “cộng sản”. Cha mẹ tôi cùng một số người bạn, sau khi tuyên bố là sẽ bầu cho đảng Dân chủ, bèn bị một số người Việt bảo thủ gọi là “đồ cộng sản”, một điều khó có thể tưởng tượng được. Thế là ông bà phải unfriend một số người trên Facebook, rồi đôi khi lại bị đe dọa nữa.

Để chống lại tin vịt như vậy, phải có người tình nguyện theo dõi để kiểm tra tin nào đúng, tin nào sai, như trang VietFact Check chẳng hạn, và các ban vận động tranh cử Thượng viện vào ngày 5/1 phải đẩy mạnh việc này.

Để giành phiếu của cử tri gốc Á, không chỉ nhắm vào vùng xung quanh Atlanta không thôi, mà còn cả vùng nông thôn nữa, vì có đến 50 ngàn người Georgia gốc Á sống ở nông thôn. Ngoài ra, cũng phải biết đặc điểm tôn giáo của các cộng đồng, chẳng hạn như người Filipino gắn chặt với các nhà thờ Công giáo.

Có hai vấn đề mà cử tri gốc châu Á muốn nghe các ứng cử viên nói, đó là việc phục hồi các doanh nghiệp nhỏ đang bị sa sút vì Covid-19. Tuy chiếm 6% dân số toàn quốc, nhưng người Á châu chiếm tới 26% dịch vụ bán thức ăn, và 17% dịch vụ bán lẻ. Thứ hai là sự bất bình đẳng lộ rõ trong đại dịch. Một phần ba y tá chết vì Covid-19 ở Mỹ là người Philippines, trong khi họ chỉ chiếm 4% y tá toàn quốc.

Một vấn đề rất quan trọng là nạn kỳ thị chống người châu Á vì đại dịch Covid-19, nhất là sau khi Donald Trump gọi bệnh này là kung flu. Có khoảng 2500 vụ người châu Á bị tấn công, quấy rối vì lý do sắc tộc, được báo cáo từ tháng 2/2020 đến tháng 8/2020. Cử tri châu Á sẽ ủng hộ ứng cử viên nào lên án các vụ kỳ thị này.

/* src.: https://baotiengdan.com/2020/12/24/n...ang-o-georgia/

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QAnổ banh xác:


Nashville blast: officials identify Anthony Warner as the bomber
https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/...ne-5g-paranoia

Authorities in Tennessee on Sunday named a 63-year-old Nashville resident as the perpetrator of the Christmas morning bombing that injured three people and destroyed sections of the city’s historic downtown.

Anthony Quinn Warner, an information technology contractor from the south eastern suburb of Antioch, instigated and was killed in the explosion, according to law enforcement sources at an evening press briefing.

“Warner is the bomber,” Don Cochran, US attorney for the middle district of Tennessee, said. “He was present when the bomb went off, and he perished in the bombing.”

Investigators matched DNA from human tissue found at the site to samples collected from a vehicle used by Warner, according to David Rausch, director of the Tennessee bureau of investigation.

Additional identification was made possible from clues found at the scene of Friday’s explosion, which took place at a facility owned by the telecommunications company AT&T, and which knocked out or impaired mobile phone services in several other cities.

Douglas Korneski, the special agent in charge of the FBI’s Memphis field office, said a vehicle identification number found in the wreckage was from an RV motorhome that was used as a mobile bomb, and was registered to Warner.

Warner had earlier Sunday been named as a person of interest into the explosion that took place outside a facility owned by the telecommunications company AT&T and which knocked out or impaired mobile phone services in several other cities.

Earlier a Nashville television news channel reported that Warner worked as an IT consultant for a real estate company, Fridrich and Clark.

Promoted by the rightwing cult movement QAnon, among others, the conspiracy theory makes wild claims about 5G, the next generation technology that delivers high speed internet access to mobile phone networks. As well as believing 5G is a spying tool of the deep state, theorists claim the technology causes cancer and helps spread coronavirus.

Antifa thì gọi là khủng bố mà QAnon thì không?

[Triển]

Antifa thì gọi là khủng bố mà QAnon thì không?

Khủng bố ở tiếng danh từ là để diễn tả một nhóm người chuyên khủng bố. Antifa là một phong trào, một xu hướng, không phải là một tổ chức, QANon là một tổ chức. Sự khác biệt này phải ghi vào bầu chữ nha thầy Ốc.

Có thể gọi nhóm A, nhóm B, nhóm C theo phong trào Antifa (anti-fascist action), thì các nhóm đó có tên là A, B, C chứ không phải Antifa.

Phong trào này phát sinh từ Đức hồi đầu thế kỷ trước. Hai đảng Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands (SPD - Đảng Dân Chủ Xã Hội Đức) và Kommunistische Partei Deutschlands (KPD - Đảng Cộng Sản Đức) đều thành lập các tổ chức riêng theo phong trào chống phát-xít. Nhưng tôn chỉ 2 đảng này khác nhau, chính sách khác nhau, thậm chí đối lập. Có thể so sánh với thời gian Việt Nam còn thuộc Pháp, các đảng phái thành lập chống Pháp riêng rẽ có tên khác nhau không cứ trộn lẫn bậy bạ giữa Việt Nam Quốc Dân Đảng, Dân Chủ Xã Hội Đảng (Huỳnh Phú Sổ) ..v.v.v với Đảng Cộng Sản Việt Nam được chỉ vì họ có cùng một mục tiêu là "chống Pháp". Chống Pháp là một phong trào và xu hướng thời đại lúc đó.

Antifa cũng vậy. Antifa là một phong trào, một xu hướng hành động. Không phải tổ chức hay đảng phái gì cả. Nói lung tung kiểu như Trump khôi hài lắm người ơi.

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Đang hỏi chính phủ thì phải xài chữ của chính phủ chứ. Chưởng liếm nói nè:

The violence instigated and carried out by Antifa and other similar groups in connection with the rioting is domestic terrorism and will be treated accordingly.”

https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/attor...stic-terrorism